It's Very Simple: The True Story of Civil Rights
Chapter 9

Immediately preceding this chapter is a quote from "The Rev. Dr. martin Luther King" stating that "[t]here are as many Communists in this freedom movement as there are Eskimos in Florida." Hence the name of this chapter.

Then, this chapter begins with a discussion about how "self-determination" and "civil rights" might seem to be conflicting goals, but the Communists themselves explain that they work together. The violent "self-determination" crowd provides a juxtaposing threat if the "nonviolents" don't get their way, at which point the "nonviolents" would be led to violence. We are provided with several quotes where this is threatened. "What is important to observe is that the the two strategies advance like legs on the same man."

The executive director of the National Urban League proposed that

He also called for businesses to choose Blacks over Whites in hiring. Elijah Muhammad, of the Black Muslims, called for "equal employment opportunity–NOW!"

Before going to Cairo, Malcolm X, the violent revolutionary, started an organization called Organization for Afro-American Unity, with himself as chairman and a whole host of "non-violents" as members.

The author here points out that we were given Malcolm X as the leading symbol of the violent Blacks, and "Martin Luther" King "as the only man who can save us from Malcolm X."

In 1938, we learn, an organization called the Southern Conference for Human Welfare was started by the Communists. In Political Affairs magazine, they complained that most Blacks didn't care about their pitch for "self-determination," and that those who took the time to learn what it actually meant "generally voiced very decided opposition."

They realized that they would have to trick Blacks into supporting their cause, which led them to develop the strategy of creating Communist "front" operations: either infiltrating an existing organization and eventually capturing it, or starting an organization and inviting unwitting people to join, either way "unsuspecting Americans wind up working to further some specific Communist objective." In their publications, they compare this to the siege of Troy via the Trojan horse.

The primary point is that in order to get people to support their agenda, these groups must actively deny that they have anything to do with Communism. The Communists call out "to bring wide masses of Negroes into these partial struggles" and not to make their demands so "ultra-radical" that their Communist agendas become obvious.

Some Communists, however, couldn't keep their mouths shut, and made public statements that "the Communists… may justly claim to have laid the foundation for these great social movements."

This was specifically stated in reference to the Southern Conference for Human Welfare, whereby a 1955 Senate report discovered that it "was conceived, financed, and set up by the Communist Party in 1938 as a mass organization to promote communism throughout the Southern States." Whereafter the Southern Conference had to be publicly abolished.

Mysteriously, a new organization popped up, having the same address as the Southern Conference for Human Welfare, but called the Southern Conference Educational Fund (SCEF). They published a newspaper with the same title as the Southern Conference for Human Welfare had, and had basically the same officers. They were, obviously, the same organization. The author provides background on just some of the members of the SCEF, all of them known Communists, convicted of felonies involving dynamite, indicted for sedition, or indicted for other illegal activities.

Just prior to the writing of this book, the president of the Southern Conference Educational Fund, Aubrey Williams, stepped down to become director of the National Youth Administration under President Teddy Roosevelt, where he was Lyndon Johnson's boss. All this, even after he was found to be a known Communist by the Senate in 1945, which "rejected his appointment as administrator of the Rural Electrification Administration." After he appeared before the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee in 1954 and testified that the United States should "defend the right of any Communist to maintain his position as an employee of the Government of the United States."

Notably, "President Johnson called on Aubrey Williams at his home just after the assassination of President Kennedy!" (His group, the SCEF, was earlier in the chapter shown to have connections to another Communist front group that "sponsored" Lee Harvey Oswald.)

The author points out that, at the time of writing, the current president of the SCEF was a Rev. Fred Shuttlesworth, a former convict associated with several communist-front organizations.

We are next treated to several other examples of religious colleges, schools, and so forth, all started by Communists to be run as front operations, including Commonwealth College in Arkansas, which was closed for being a Communist front.

Soon thereafter, the Highlander Folk School in Tennessee was opened by the same people who ran Commonwealth College. It enjoyed the involvement of President Johnson's friend, Aubrey Williams, as well as advocating revolution and recruiting students into the Young Communist League. The state of Tennessee succeeded in closing the Highlander Folk School in 1960. The Atlanta Constitution reported that one of the officers was "under indictment on a charge of filing a false non-Communist affidavit."

Of course, the next year, a Highlander Research and Educational Center opened in Tennessee, run by the same people.

Next, we learn about a guy named Hunter Pitts O'Dell, who called to testify before the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee. The subcommittee had learned that American Communists "sought to infiltrate labor unions, churches, farmer organizations, parent-teacher organizations, channels of public opinion, and other streams of influence in our society."

Mr. O'Dell pled the Fifth and refused to say whether he was a Communist. This was in 1956. He again declined to state, in 1958. In 1962, the House Committee on Un-American Activities released a list of people elected to the national committee of the Communist Party. Hunter Pitts O'Dell was on this list.

All Communist front organizations.

We next learn of a man named Bayard Rustin, who was a member of the Young Communist League for several years. He claimed that he never became a Communist because the Communist Party "was ultra-suspicious of young college students and had little confidence in their reliability." This is interesting, considering that the Young Communist League was created with the sole purpose of recruiting young college students into the Communist Party. According to the FBI, Bayard Rustin was involved in several Socialist and Communist groups.

He was also active, the author inform us, "in a group called the American Forum for Socialist Education, which is Communist dominated." He spoke at a New York college, alongside the foreign editor of the Daily Worker, a man from the Socialist Labor Party, and a woman from the Socialist Workers Party.

Although he attended the "sixteenth national convention of the Communist party of the United States" as "an official 'non-Communist' observer," he is identified in Fellowship magazine as a "friend" of "Kwame Nkrumah, the Communist dictator of Ghana," and of working "to establish a center for nonviolence at Dar el Salaam, Tanganyika, where… Communist troops are now in training."

"He has denied ever having been a member of the Communist Party."


Having reached the center of the book, we are greeted with several photos:

It is important to note that the Communist plan for American Blacks necessarily includes their remaining in ghettos, because "in the segregated Black community, the illusion of a 'Black Nation' within a surrounding and hostile 'white nation' takes on a semblance of reality."

Interestingly, we see in this chapter the Communist origins of the "White privilege" claim that has recently begun to be taught in colleges and universities. This claim is, of course, nonsense for many different reasons, not the least of which is that, despite their white skin, even the Irish and Mormons were violently discriminated against in this country. Throughout history, we see that many groups have integrated into society via gradual peaceful means. This was already well underway for Blacks.

We should also note the call for preferential treatment in hiring. This has been implemented, at least partially, through passage of the so-called "Equal Employment Opportunity Act." Likewise, we have seen colleges and universities like the University of California at Davis change their admissions process to make race allowable as a sole defining factor, completely disregarding prior academic standing.

While we might wish to see Blacks considered for employment equally, alongside people of every other race, we must remember that in a Constitutional Republic, the government does not have the authority to dictate who you hire! You do not own your business if someone else dictates how it is run. A free man has freedom of association, whereby he may decide such things for himself. We must remember that freedom only exists where there is agency, and that means that people might make decisions that we disagree with.

Importantly, it is mentioned in this chapter that JFK "lone gunman," Lee Harvey Oswald, was a member of a Communist group called the Fair Play For Cuba Committee.

Also of note is the fact that the Southern Conference Educational Fund was still in operation when the author wrote this book, and was not dissolved until 1981!

One of the things that stands out in this chapter is the number of Communists who identify as "reverends." Of course, this fits fully into the general point of the chapter, which is that the Communists have had to operate under different cloaks of falsehood in order to dupe people into supporting "partial agendas" of Communism.

Speaking of cloaks of falsehood, we see more examples in this chapter of the practice of either being Communist while denying it, or of not officially joining the Party, so as to provide plausible deniability.


The Mormon Angle

On the issue of freedom of association, I would point to the following experience I had as a missionary on the Navajo Reservation in the mid-1990's. We learned that many people in the area preferred to put their children in private Christian schools, as the common opinion was that they provided a better education than public schools. There were few options in the area surrounding Gallup, New Mexico, and one school in particular was considered the best. There was just one problem for Mormons in the area: this school explicitly denied entry to Mormons. How did they handle it? They just didn't worry about it. They didn't agitate for change, threaten legal action, or anything else, which would only have resulted in hostile attitudes. They just sent their kids elsewhere. This is how it should be done. If they want to make stupid decisions, don't give them your money or support. Attend or open a competing school, if you want, etc, but don't take away their agency.