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A revolutionary may sponsor a 'reform' because he sees in it a means for linking up constitutional action with unconstitutional action–because he feels he can make use of it as a screen behind which he can strengthen his secret work. (Stalin)
Summary
This chapter begins by asking the question, what if MLK and his pal Rustin Bayard were just naive or unaware of what they were doing? The author then proposes to answer this question by examining their ideas.

He reminds us that the first step in the communization of the United States was to manufacture a "war of national liberation," but that this would necessarily have to be based on race whereas Communists see everything in terms of economics. Therefore, in this case race is being used "to create division and promote hostility," which hostility "will make the revolution," after which the Communists will slowly "re-orient" the movement to take aim at capitalism.

We here see a quote from Rustin Bayard, who "stressed that the Negroes' fight was shifting from a 'civil rights revolution' to what he termed 'a social and political revolution' in the United States."

This would be accomplished by getting the Blacks and Whites to be at war with each other, and then "sell the idea that they should unite… against the real enemy–which if course is capitalism. You say that, yes, there is such a thing as racism, but somehow the cause of it is capitalism."

We next receive a lengthy quote from MLK, calling for the "Negro freedom movement" to unite with "organized labor." Communist official John Pepper wrote in 1928 about the need "to draw the white workers and the poor white farmers into the struggle. The Communist Party of America must emphasize in all its campaigns the solidarity of the white and black workers."

Lo and behold, Bayard Rustin "set up a pilot project" in Chicago, "to work among the poor whites," and was "planning another in the poverty-stricken Appalachia area," with a "plan to organize these people into powerful groups."

During a strike against the Scripto plant, MLK stated "We have decided that now is the time to identify our movement very closely with labor."

Communist authors James Ford and James Allen wrote, in their book Negroes in Soviet America, that "the solidarity of the white workers and Negro masses" was necessary to "assure the combination of the two aspects of the American revolution."

We learn that the Highlander Folk School was offering a course mixing "union problems," "strike tactics," and "race relations."

At this point, there is a lengthy quotation from Communist official Henry M. Winston, which contains the interesting assertion that they needed to "assure at least the neutrality of the millions of white Americans who are rejecting in practice white supremacist ideologies, but are not yet prepared actively to support the struggle."

Bayard Rustin is quoted again, this time attributing some of their "victories" to "split[ting] the white power structure," and then "advocating that we start now in winning the support of the poor whites in this country."

Communist Gus Hall sums it all up nicely at this point: "the Red movement considers the Negro civil rights issue not as a racial problem but as a part of the class struggle leading to the eventual communization of America." He then told "the top Communist bosses… to unite the Negro movement with the labor movement."

From The Negroes in a Soviet America, we read:

How does it come about that the white workers not only will, but must lend their support to the struggle for Negro liberation? First of all, because the workers will not be able to overthrow capitalism unless they have the help of the Negro people."

MLK advises that, in order to get support from the poor Whites, they "seek allies all who share their need for more jobs, better housing, better schools." He also goes on, however, to suggest that, as a means of paying reparations, there should be a "Bill of Rights for the Disadvantaged," which it should be "used to attack the tenacious poverty which so paradoxically exists in the midst of plenty."

For example, says the author, "let's call this 'Bill of Rights'… a 'war on poverty.'"

Here we are treated to an excellent quotation from Stalin, himself:

A revolutionary may sponsor a 'reform' because he sees in it a means for linking up constitutional action with unconstitutional action–because he feels he can make use of it as a screen behind which he can strengthen his secret work.

The League for Industrial Democracy issued a news bulletin, announcing a new organization called the Citizens Crusade Against Poverty, which was a coalition of "Labor, Civil Rights, religious and social agency leaders "in support of the abolition of poverty in America."
Analysis
The revelations in this chapter remind one of the videos of Black Lives Matter leadership admitting that they are Marxists, the group itself taking circumstances out of context, blowing them up to enormous proportions, and leading their followers to violence and looting even the stores of other Blacks.

We have also seen in very recent times the resurgence of the argument that capitalism is the root of all racism, and that everything in America stems from "white supremacist ideologies." This is even being taught in colleges and universities. This is no surprise when we learn about Marxist revolutionaries like Bill Ayers, Obama's friend discussed in The Price, chapter 1.[1] Even Wikipedia acknowledges that "He is known for his 1960s radical activism and his later work in education reform, curriculum and instruction."[2]

In the present chapter, there is much discussion about the need to evolve the "Black liberation" movement into one involving primarily the "working class." Why the  Communist focus on that demographic? At the heart of Communism is what they call
"dialectical materialism," which basically boils down to atheistic materialism: there is no God, and all that matters is whatever you want for yourself. This begins by convincing the "have-nots" that their woes are directly caused by other people having things. It is greed, mingled with pride and laziness. "You don't have anything because other people do, therefore you should force them to give you their stuff, or kill them and take it."

This, of course, also explains why Communists also focus on labor groups, such as unions. It is easy to convince people that, since they do all the work, they should get all of the profit. They never mention that someone else, often someone like themselves, had to sacrifice to start the business, buy the machinery, buy the buildings, etc, and that, in taking the job, they were simply agreeing to work for that person. Allowing this process to take place makes it possible for others to do the same. Communism always makes people equal, at the bottom. Of course, as Orwell's Animal Farm made clear, there is always another group that is somehow "more equal" than others, who have the power and control over everyone else, and who eat the jam and sleep in beds while everyone else starves on the cold ground. But that's beside the point, right?

Another good question here is how one would go about "assuring the neutrality of millions of white Americans" towards either racism or Communism? The answer to this might illuminate many things from pop culture, which is one of the only ways to reach millions of Americans with a consistent message. As we are speaking specifically of the nineteen-sixties, drugs, sexual immorality, and the attendant problems that they produce, come immediately to mind.

All of the discussion of the "civil rights" leaders about getting the support of Whites focuses on "poor" Whites, did you notice? One would think that, if this were actually about righting wrongs, they would want the support of all Whites. This, of course, is explained in the chapter, since the underlying motivations were driven by Communist ideals, which are economic.

The Marxists underpinnings of a "war on poverty" become abundantly clear when you think about it. The only way for a government to win such a war is to "spread the wealth around," ie., to take from the haves and give to the have-nots. This is the most basic premise behind things like Medicare and Medicaid, and many others. If the term sounds familiar, it is because "The war on poverty is the unofficial name for legislation first introduced by United States President Lyndon B. Johnson during his State of the Union address on January 8, 1964."[4] Bayard Rustin informs us, in this chapter, that the Black workers "stimulated" a book by Michael Harrington, of the Young Socialist League, which in turn "stimulated" President Johnson's program.


The Mormon Angle

The fact that Stalin so openly discusses passing legislation to advance even a small part of an agenda, and using it as a screen to hide one's "secret works," is amazing, since we know that all throughout The Book of Mormon this is exactly how the Gadiantons worked. They overthrew societies by first getting their people into positions as lawyers and judges, by which means they corrupted the laws of their countries. In Helaman 8:4, for instance, we read of the prophet Nephi chastising some wicked judges for their "secret works;" it's even the same language! In fact, the phrase "secret works" is used many times throughout the scriptures,[3] as this is one of Satan's patterns.


References:

[1] The Price, chapter 1. (illuminotes.org) <https://illuminotes.org/books/the-price/chapters/1>

[2]
Bill Ayers (wikipedia.org) <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bill_Ayers, accessed 2021-02-16.>

[3]
Search (churchofjesuschrist.org) <https://www.churchofjesuschrist.org/search?lang=eng&query=secret%20works&facet=scriptures&subfacet=bofm&highlight=true&page=1>

[4]
War on poverty (wikipedia.org) <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/War_on_poverty, ACCESSED 2021-02-16.>
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